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1973 Chilean coup d'état

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The King, however, refused to receive Armada, who, shortly before midnight, entered the Congress of Deputies alleging that the King had ordered him to assume leadership of the government. As Armada was not the "competent military authority" that Tejero had been waiting for, the latter rejected Armada's claims with "My general, I didn't assault Congress for this" and, after that, ignored him.

Deploying 2, men and fifty tanks from his Motorized Division as well as troops from the port of Valencia onto the streets and into the city center, they occupied the Town Hall Ayuntamiento and the Valencian judicial court building Las cortes valencianas. The revolt, known as Operation Turia , was considered key if other military regions were to become involved in the coup. By , Valencian radio stations began broadcasting the State of Emergence declared by Milans del Bosch, who was hoping to convince others to endorse his military action.

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Police snipers took their places on rooftops, military marches were played on loudspeakers and a curfew was imposed on the citizens. An armored convoy was dispatched to the Manises airbase in order to convince the commander there to support the coup; however, the Colonel of the 11th Wing in charge of the base not only refused to comply, he threatened to deploy two fighter jets armed with air-to-ground missiles which he claimed to have standing by with their engines running against the tanks sent by Milans del Bosch, thereby forcing the latter to withdraw.

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King Juan Carlos refused to endorse the coup. The monarch, after protracted discussions with colleagues, was convinced of his military leaders' loyalty to himself and the Constitution.

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He also noted the attitude of the President of the autonomous government of Catalonia , Jordi Pujol , who just before that evening made a short speech via national broadcasting stations inside and outside of Spain calling for peace. Until in the morning 24 February , negotiations took place outside the Congress between the acting government as well as General Armada, who would later be relieved of his duties under suspicion that he had participated in planning the coup.

He declared:. In the face of these exceptional circumstances, I ask for your serenity and trust, and I hereby inform you that I have given the Captains General of the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force the following order:. Given the events taking place in the Palace of Congress, and to avoid any possible confusion, I hereby confirm that I have ordered the Civil Authorities and the Joint Chiefs of Staff to take any and all necessary measures to uphold constitutional order within the limits of the law.

Should any measure of a military nature need to be taken, it must be approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Crown, symbol of the permanence and unity of the nation, will not tolerate, in any degree whatsoever, the actions or behavior of anyone attempting through use of force to interrupt the democratic process of the Constitution, which the Spanish People approved by vote in referendum.

From that moment on, the coup was understood to be a failure. The deputies were freed that morning. The most immediate consequence was that, as an institution, the Monarchy emerged from the failed coup with overwhelming legitimacy in the eyes of the public and the political class. In the long term, the coup's failure could be considered the last serious attempt by adherents to Francoist ideology to destroy Spain's future as a democracy and implement their fascist totalitarian designs on the nation.

Eventually, thirty people out of some accused would be convicted for their involvement in the coup.

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The extent of any civilian involvement in planning the coup has never been thoroughly investigated [ citation needed ]. Local nationalists have asserted that the LOAPA law limiting the devolution to the autonomous communities was passed to placate the military. The bloodless yet apparently chaotic unravelling of the coup, the plethora of unanswered questions as to its unfolding, the staunch monarchist allegiance of two main conspirators Armada and Milans del Bosch and the King's lengthy absence before he finally made a late-night public television address have fueled skepticism and conspiracy theories during the Campamento trial and have remained active ever since.

These theories cast doubt on the sincerity of the King's defense of democracy and qualify the coup as an example of coercive realpolitik taken to the next level.


In essence, this version of events alleges that the coup itself was orchestrated by the Spanish Secret Services in connivance with the King and the Royal House as well as representatives of the major political parties and mainstream media, among others. The plot's centerpiece and apparent motivation was the so-called Operation Armada , a "soft" coup modeled after Operation De Gaulle and aimed at a national-unity government headed by Armada himself, consisting of an array of ministers from all the main political parties.

The prosecutor's questioning allegedly lost a great deal of intensity when court resumed after the lunch break, and Cortina was finally acquitted. If I were to carry out an operation in the King's name but without his consent, my first move would have been to isolate him from the rest of the world and prevent him from communicating with anyone on the outside. Well far from it: That night I could have entered and left my residence at will; and concerning phone lines, I received more calls in a few hours than I had received in a whole month!

From my father , who was in Estoril and was also very surprised to be able to contact me by phone , from my two sisters in Madrid, and from friendly heads of State who encouraged me to resist. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Date 23—24 February Location Madrid and Valencia.

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